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Is the Burgenland District, Our Federal State, the Federal Republic of Germany Totalitarian?Critics would clearly answer this question with a yes. But what do non-critics think? The website of the Federal Agency for Civic Education describes totalitarianism. Does this apply to our region, our federal state, the FRG? Based on https://www.bpb.de/ Federal Agency for Civic Education, Hans-Gerd Jaschke, 31.01.2008 with annotations. TOTALITARIANISMTotalitarianism represents the stark opposite of the modern liberal constitutional state and the principle of an open, plural society. The history of the 20th century is characterized by two opposing processes. On one hand, democratization and liberalization, particularly of Western societies, have progressed further. Key to this are the successes of democratic politics, but also societal changes such as the shift in values in the Western world and processes of individualization. ... e.g., a healthy environment, good social relationships, self-fulfillment values, but also ideals like peace. Individualization is called a societal process that is increasingly significant in the modern service society. Accordingly, individuals are ... increasingly reliant on themselves and their decisions. Both the shift in values and individualization have significantly advanced the long-term process of democratization in the Western world. On the other hand ... there is totalitarianism, extremism, and fundamentalism, a persistent force against freedom and democracy. They share various common structural characteristics, expressed in seven points. Totalitarian movements claim, first, a monopoly on representation. They see themselves as the sole and exclusive possessors of political, religious, or other ideological "truths". (must instructions never be questioned, former RKI head Lothar Wieler?) Competing movements are regarded as errors or deviations (today’s fake news?) that must be fought. This comes with excessive self-overestimation and self-aggrandizement as the one and only force in history that brings salvation to humanity. Their messianism is absolute and indivisible. 
Totalitarian regimes and movements are, second, hermetically sealed "worldviews." From within, they are impervious to rational criticism. Their ideology does not evolve through constant, rational, discussion- and learning-ready engagement with the history of ideas, but rather claims an allegedly "eternal" and unshakable truth of certain doctrines. (Climate change?) Worldviews are not developed reflexively and openly for discussion but are "believed" as supposed truths. This reveals the quasi-religious character of all totalitarian belief systems. Doctrines are not discussed or self-critically examined; criticism of them is considered deviant and punishable behavior.
They have, third, an anti-enlightenment, absolutist basis for legitimacy. Not the reason of the enlightened subject, but the prophetic, charismatic qualities of the leader (or leaders, WHO, IPCC?) embodying the worldview in an ideal and absolute manner serve as the sole source of legitimacy. This inherently excludes competing and relativizing arguments from other intellectual traditions. ...Internal democratic decision-making based on the primacy of the better argument contradicts the leader principle and could relativize and delegitimize the omnipotence of the … ideology. For this reason, there can be no democratic decision-making in totalitarian movements. (better arguments, e.g., from the AfD, are to be rejected in principle?) They are, fourth, characterized by enemy image rhetoric and a rigid distinction between good and evil. Good is their own worldview; more or less evil is everything that does not or cannot follow it….. Between good and evil, right and wrong, friend and foe, the fundamental and constitutive distinctions, little differentiation is typically made. This explains the significant loss of reality (surrounded by reality?) among followers of totalitarian groups, which they often only recognize in the exit phase. Autobiographical accounts from "formers" provide ample evidence of this. The social and political basis of totalitarian systems consists of movements that support them both in the lead-up and during the system phase. The fifth and sixth characteristics particularly relate to these movements. Totalitarian movements develop, fifth, to cement the uniqueness and distinctiveness of their ideology, their own conceptual systems with reinterpretations of everyday terms or original meanings. (Teachers:Innen?) They differ from the technical languages of science, law, medicine, military, sports, or technology through their suggestive character. Totalitarian terms claim the absolute and unquestionable; they are immune to critical reflection and questioning. The rhetoric of Marxism-Leninism and Stalinism provides as many examples of this as the Nazi movement before 1933 and National Socialism in power. Totalitarian movements are directed, sixth, against the idea of democracy itself; they aim to roll back the progress of democratization and liberality. Democracy and totalitarianism are wholly incompatible because liberal democracy is rooted in the inalienable rights of the citizen, whereas totalitarianism, disregarding civil liberties, prioritizes the rights of the collective (Corona rules?). Therefore, the principled and, from within, necessary rejection of democracy ranges from tactically motivated feigned acceptance to restrained criticism to militant attempts to destroy democracy—for instance, through militant provocations. A particular and dangerous problem for civil democracy is, seventh, the potential for violence in totalitarian groups. The classic examples of totalitarianism—Soviet communism and National Socialism—legitimized violence both internally and externally as defensive: They claimed to be threatened and surrounded by aggressive enemies, making the use of violence a legitimate act of self-defense. Totalitarian organizations that feel under public pressure tend, it seems, to accept violence under the premise of (apparently necessary) self-defense. (War economy?) Internally, as a sanction against members, supporters, and—especially—defectors, violence in various forms seems to be an accepted means of confrontation (Ballweg?), as well as against individuals and organizations perceived as hostile. (Party bans?) Totalitarian movements combine not just one or another of these structural characteristics but, more or less, all seven simultaneously. This is precisely what makes them "totalitarian" groups. Are the Burgenland District, the Federal States, the FRG Totalitarian?What is your opinion? Are we living in a totalitarian country, or is it truly a democracy? Or is it a totalitarian democracy (from ancient Greek δημοκρατία dēmokratía, rule of the people), in which you can cast your vote, but this ultimately does not mean that the elected people’s representatives act (or must act) in the interest of the people? Write us your opinion and experiences via email. It will gladly be published here if you wish. You can find the email address by clicking on Contact above. Literature Hobsbawm, Eric: The Age of Extremes, Munich/Vienna 1995, p. 146. 
From: Hans-Gerd Jaschke: Political Extremism, Wiesbaden 2006, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. The volume from the series "Elements of Politics", edited by Hans-Georg Ehrhart, Bernhard Frevel, Klaus Schubert, and Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer, is also published as a licensed edition by the Federal Agency for Civic Education.Author: AI-Translation - Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, möchte nicht genannt werden, Michael Thurm | vor dem 01.07.2024 |
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