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Cultural practitioners warn of a nationalist-oriented cultural policy in Saxony-Anhalt by the AfD – reflections on the press release by cultural institutions of 16 April 2026


The joint press release by cultural foundations and institutions in Saxony-Anhalt warns of a “nationalist-oriented cultural policy” by the AfD and sees in it an attempt to bind art and remembrance to party-political “identity guidelines”.



The joint press release by the cultural foundations and institutions of Saxony-Anhalt warns of a “nationalist-oriented cultural policy” by the AfD and sees in it an attempt to bind art and remembrance to party-political “identity guidelines”. It speaks of a “völkisch-nationalist conception of culture”, a “whitewashing” of the Nazi past, and a fundamental threat to artistic freedom. The criticism is understandable – yet it exaggerates the position of the AfD government program and ignores that every cultural policy sets priorities and that the current one-sided orientation itself creates problems. A patriotic shift would not be a breach of taboo, but a normalization, as has long been standard in almost all other European countries.

Not a ban, but prioritization – what the AfD program actually says

The program does not call for censorship or bans on other cultural expressions. It merely criticizes the one-sided funding practice of recent decades and aims to allocate public funds more strongly to projects that “contribute to German identity formation”. It explicitly states: the constitution does not oblige the state to fund every form of art – only to tolerate it. The existing culture of remembrance is not denied, but criticized as being overly focused on a “complex of guilt” and “national masochism”. Instead, attention should be directed to the entirety of German history – including its “positive aspects” (Reformation, Enlightenment in Wörlitz, scientific achievements, peaceful revolution of 1989). The Bauhaus is not to be banned, but criticized as an example of “lack of identity”; theaters should stage more classical German plays. Funding is to be tied to a “patriotic commitment” – a step that goes beyond the basic constitutional framework but is comparable in other countries.

Cultural practitioners see in this an “ethnically homogeneous national community”. In reality, it concerns the legitimate question of whether a country may prioritize its own cultural tradition without having to apologize for it.

How other European countries deal with identity and patriotism

In most neighboring countries, a confident cultivation of one’s own culture and national identity is not a taboo, but a state responsibility:

  • France has for decades pursued an “exception culturelle”: massive subsidies for French language, film, and literature protect national identity from “foreign influence”. The tricolor flies daily on public buildings without anyone speaking of “nationalism”.
  • Italy, under the current government, emphasizes “Made in Italy”, Christian traditions, and classical achievements. Patriotism is positively connoted.
  • Poland and Hungary actively promote patriotic narratives in museums, schools, and public celebrations. National flags and commemorations are part of everyday life. Hungary is explicitly cited by the AfD as a model – there, the political shift led to strengthened national self-confidence without a fundamental collapse of artistic freedom.
  • In Great Britain and Scandinavia, regional and national folk culture is likewise cultivated as a matter of course.

Germany represents an exception with its extremely self-critical memory culture, often narrowly focused on the Nazi period. This was justified after 1945. Eighty years later, in a population where most people have no direct connection to the perpetrator generation, this constant focus increasingly appears as a burden.

The consequences of lacking patriotic roots

People without deep cultural and patriotic roots often suffer from a diffuse identity disturbance. Psychological research shows: transgenerational transmission of shame and guilt feelings – even without personal culpability – can lead to reduced self-esteem, loss of orientation, and weaker resilience. Young people who are systematically taught that “being German” is problematic more often develop a sense of dislocation. This makes them more susceptible to radical counter-narratives – whether from the left or the right.

Current surveys confirm this: the MEMO study by the EVZ Foundation (2025) shows for the first time that a relative majority (38.1%) wants a “line under” the intensive culture of Nazi remembrance. Only 42.8% still consider it important to keep remembrance “alive”. A ZEIT survey from March 2025 found that 55% of Germans agree with the statement that constant Nazi remembrance hinders a healthy national consciousness. This is not a right-wing invention, but a measurable social phenomenon.

What happens to traditions when roots are missing?

Regional customs, festivals, and traditions survive only as long as people actively maintain them. In Saxony-Anhalt – with its rich but often fragmented history (Anhalt, Prussia, Reformation) – there are numerous examples: Walpurgis Night in the Harz, chess traditions in Ströbeck, or local craft customs. Where young people no longer feel an emotional connection to their own region and history because schools and media primarily convey the “dark chapters”, there is a lack of successors for folk clubs, shooting associations, or heritage groups.

In regions with strong cultural dislocation (due to migration, secularization, and decades of one-sided remembrance culture), many traditions slowly die out or become folkloristic tourist attractions without a living core. In other countries such as Poland or Bavaria, by contrast, traditions are actively promoted by the state – because they create identity and cohesion. Without patriotic roots, the cultural landscape becomes barren: a faceless, interchangeable “event culture” emerges that no longer creates deep bonds.

Time for normality instead of taboos?

The fear of cultural practitioners regarding a “patriotic shift” is understandable but partly exaggerated. It is not about abolishing diversity or artistic freedom, but about a balanced funding approach that confidently places one’s own history and culture back at the center – without denying or relativizing Nazi crimes. Other European countries have shown for decades that patriotism and a strong national identity are compatible with democracy and cultural openness.

A society that systematically presents its citizens’ own roots as a burden creates long-term alienation and loss of traditions. Saxony-Anhalt, as a “cultural region of the highest order”, would have the opportunity to take a pioneering role here: for a culture of remembrance that does not only warn, but also inspires pride – and for a living tradition that can only survive if people identify with it again. This is not a step backward, but a return to normality in Europe.

Author: AI-Translation - АИИ  | 

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