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Rambling and AfD-Like Posts by CDU Minister-President Sven Schulze (Saxony-Anhalt)The AfD is polling at 41 percent in Saxony-Anhalt and is heading toward a possible outright majority, while CDU Minister-President Sven Schulze is languishing at a meager 24 percent and appears to be posting desperately on Facebook. One moment he preaches dialogue, the next he is a hardliner on pensions and immigration whose rhetoric is barely distinguishable from AfD talking points. With fairy tales about Leuna, boasts about political connections, and the support of a 90-year-old cabaret performer, he tries to mask his detachment from reality. Last-minute panic? Or simply profound mental confusion? 
“Talk to everyone” – except those on the verge of an outright majorityOn August 2, 2026, Schulze solemnly posted: “Democracy is alive even when people disagree. […] As Minister-President, it is my goal to stay in dialogue with everyone in this state. Good politics thrives on listening, exchanging ideas, and mutual respect.” Respect, listening, tolerance—it sounds like a textbook Sunday sermon. Yet the very same man repeatedly declares in talk shows and party conferences that working with the AfD will “definitely not” happen. No cooperation, no AfD ministers, no dependence. On Markus Lanz, he said: “I will not make myself dependent on either The Left or the AfD.” At the party conference: “There will be no AfD minister […] with me.”How does that fit together? Talk to everyone—except the party polling at 41 percent, aiming for sole government, and whose voters are concerned about exactly the issues Schulze himself is now addressing? From a psychoanalytic perspective, this is classic compartmentalization. He preaches dialogue to preserve the moral high ground while simultaneously building the political firewall so high that he can conveniently hide his own contradictions behind it. Someone who speaks this way does not come across as strong—he comes across as panicked. Pension savior, AfD-style: Lifetime achievement, East Germany, securityTake his pension post from August 1: “The state pension must remain secure. […] Especially in eastern Germany, incomes are often lower […] ✔️ People’s lifetime achievements must be recognized ✔️ The statutory pension system must remain reliable ✔️ People with low pensions must not be abandoned. I will not support plans that jeopardize this security.”The day before, on July 31, he was even more explicit: “Anyone who has worked and paid into the system for 45 years must not have the rules changed afterward. […] The full pension after 45 years of contributions must be preserved […] Many people in eastern Germany depend especially on the statutory pension.” Together with Michael Kretschmer and Mario Voigt in Braunsbedra. It reads as though it had been copied directly from the AfD policy platform. The AfD likewise insists on preserving and strengthening the statutory pension system, opposes raising the retirement age, emphasizes the special situation in eastern Germany, and stresses recognition of people’s lifetime achievements. Overlap? Massive. Differences? Mainly in funding and their general stance toward the three-pillar pension model. But the tone on Facebook is identical: security, eastern German realities, no experiments with existing pension entitlements. Schulze positions himself here as a staunch defender of the statutory pension system—precisely the territory where the AfD has scored points for years. One might almost think the CDU politician simply copied the opposition’s talking points and added check marks. At the federal level, however, the CDU takes a very different approach. Schulze would have to do more than repeat slogans—he would have to openly confront the current CDU-SPD federal government or leave the CDU altogether. Immigration: “Into the labor market—not into the welfare system” – sounds familiar?July 30: “Immigration into the labor market—not into the welfare system. […] That is why we need clear and controlled immigration: ✔️ for people who want to work here ✔️ for occupations where staff are urgently needed ✔️ with clear rules and mandatory integration. Anyone who rejects all forms of immigration deprives Saxony-Anhalt of important opportunities.”Again the same check-mark format, again the clear distinction: “Labor market yes, welfare system no.” The AfD phrases it more radically (remigration, a focus on returning Germans, and birth incentives), but the underlying message—controlled, skilled immigration instead of uncontrolled migration into the welfare system—is exactly what many AfD voters want to hear. Schulze distances himself rhetorically (“Anyone who rejects every form…”), yet simultaneously embraces the same emotional core message. That is not a clear distinction—it is opportunism wrapped in Facebook branding. The Leuna mantra: 10,000 jobs—and Schulze’s contribution is close to zeroApparently he has to repeat it twice. On July 31: “More than 100 companies from ten countries operate at Germany’s largest integrated chemical site. Around 10,000 people earn their living in Leuna. […] Industrial policy is not just a slogan here—it is a paycheck.” Then again on August 2: “Around 10,000 people earn their living in Lena…” (presumably a typo for Leuna).Leuna is a historic industrial site. Those 10,000 jobs have existed for decades—long before Sven Schulze became Minister-President. His “solution” to the Domo insolvency was only a temporary continuation of operations, which later became uncertain again. Funding approvals and structural-transition subsidies notwithstanding, he did not create the chemical complex, and most of the jobs depend on global corporations, market conditions, and decisions made years ago. Yet he presents it as though it were his personal achievement. That is not industrial policy—it is self-congratulation. His actual contribution to those 10,000 jobs is effectively zero. Anyone who repeatedly markets this as a personal success is either suffering from delusions of grandeur or simply has no new ideas. In 1989, approximately 30,000 people worked in Leuna. The king of political connections—who still needs colleagues, and a 90-year-old DidiJuly 31: “Saxony-Anhalt needs a strong voice in Berlin and Brussels. […] That requires […] the right contacts at every political level. […] I will continue on this path.” At the same time, he has to team up with Kretschmer and Voigt just to gain attention in Berlin on pension reform. And during the election campaign, he is touring with Dieter Hallervorden, the 90-year-old cabaret performer who sings on stage against Merz and “war minister” Pistorius and openly says he would never campaign for the Federal Chancellor.So the man who wants to have “every important phone number” still needs his eastern German colleagues as amplifiers and an elderly entertainer to support his campaign. The federal CDU has already distanced itself from Hallervorden’s appearances. This is not a sign of strong political networking—it is desperation. Pure last-minute panic: the polls do not show a neck-and-neck race with Ulrich Siegmund, but a clear 17-point gap. Anyone portraying this as a showdown between “Schulze or the AfD” while simultaneously hopping across the stage with a 90-year-old entertainer has already displayed a profound loss of touch with reality. Elections require clear differences—but these posts blur themAugust 1: “Elections require clear differences. […] To me, an honest election campaign must not conceal those differences.” Yet at the same time, his posts about pensions, immigration, and industrial policy sound as though they had been generated by an AfD talking-point machine. He warns about AfD isolation and economic catastrophe while posting the opposition’s emotional core messages himself. He wants to talk to everyone but excludes the strongest political force. He boasts about his connections yet still depends on his neighbors. He markets Leuna as his own accomplishment.From a psychoanalytic perspective: It is incoherent. It is the language of a man who senses the ground slipping away beneath his feet and therefore shouts in every direction at once—sometimes conciliatory, sometimes populist, sometimes narcissistic. His mental state? At the very least, persistently detached from reality. His Facebook posts read like an attempt to hijack AfD themes without paying the political price of consistency. The result is not the image of a strong Minister-President, but of a contradictory social-media operator blurring his own political message in panic ahead of September 6, 2026, while the AfD advances toward an outright majority with 41 percent. What will remain of Facebook-Schulze after the election—or will it become Merz 2.0?Anyone planning to vote for Sven Schulze based on his current Facebook posts should ask themselves one question: How much of this will survive after September 6, 2026? The experience with Friedrich Merz after the last federal election offers little reason for optimism. Before the election, there were bold promises on asylum, pensions, the economy, and a “firm stance.” Afterward came what many voters experienced as the harsh reality: compromises, watered-down promises, and the familiar Berlin logic of business as usual. Today, Schulze posts as though he had invented the AfD’s core issues—only to put them back into the CDU drawer after the election. His sermons about dialogue, his hard line on pensions, and his clarity on immigration may disappear just as quickly as Merz’s campaign rhetoric, leaving behind nothing more than the familiar pragmatism of government that has long since ceased to convince many people in Saxony-Anhalt.
Author: AI-Translation - АИИ | |
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